A Return to Common Sense

We treat our convictions like heirlooms, carefully polished and displayed in the front rooms of our minds. They are the furniture of our identity, inherited from family, culture, and education. We arrange our lives around them, defend them fiercely, yet we almost never inspect their joinery. We don't flip them over to see if the wood has rotted or if the legs are stable. We simply assume that because they have been with us for so long, they must be solid. Yet this unexamined inheritance is the source of our most persistent and perplexing problems. The conviction that we must 'find our passion' before we act, that 'being authentic' means broadcasting every fleeting feeling, or that 'common sense' is a universal constant—these are not solid oak, but crumbling particleboard.

This realization—that our most cherished mental furniture was quietly collapsing—is what drove Leigh McGowan to write this book. After a decade as a strategic advisor, helping organizations untangle their most complex operational knots, she noticed a disturbing pattern. The biggest obstacles weren't external market forces or a lack of resources; they were the shared, uninspected assumptions held by the smartest people in the room. McGowan saw that the same flawed 'common sense' that crippled corporate teams was also the source of so much personal frustration and anxiety. "A Return to Common Sense" is a guide to rebuilding our thinking from the ground up, starting with the uncomfortable act of inspecting the very ideas we believe define us.

Module 1: The Six Foundational Principles

McGowan argues that before we can fix anything, we need to agree on what we're building toward. She distills the nation's purpose into six core principles. They are a practical yardstick for measuring every law, politician, and policy.

The first principle is simple yet profound: America is a land of freedom. This is the bedrock of the national identity. It's the promise inscribed on the Statue of Liberty and the core reason for the country's founding. However, McGowan is quick to point out that this freedom has always been contested. It was initially reserved for a select few—white, male landowners. The nation's history is a long, often bloody, struggle to expand that definition. From the Civil War amendments to the women's suffrage movement, progress has been about extending freedom to those previously denied it. This principle demands we actively defend and continue to expand liberty for all.

Building on that idea, the second principle is that everyone should have the opportunity to rise. This is the essence of the American Dream. Your starting point in life should not dictate your destination. Yet, for millions, this dream feels out of reach. McGowan points to systemic barriers in healthcare, education, and housing. She highlights how the U.S. remains the only developed nation without universal healthcare, a reality she traces back to historical resistance tied to segregation. Similarly, she details how post-WWII housing policies like redlining systematically excluded Black families from building generational wealth, creating disparities that persist today. To make this principle a reality, we must dismantle these barriers.

This brings us to the political mechanism for change. The third principle is that every citizen should have a vote, and that vote should count. This is the core of a representative democracy. But McGowan argues this fundamental right is under a coordinated assault. She points to the surge in voter suppression laws enacted since the Supreme Court's 2013 Shelby County decision, which weakened the Voting Rights Act. Tactics include purging voter rolls, restricting mail-in ballots, and reducing polling locations. The fight for this principle is about ensuring every voice is heard equally.

So what happens after the vote? That leads to the fourth principle: Representatives should represent the people who voted for them. This seems obvious, but McGowan shows how our system has been corrupted. The overwhelming influence of money in politics, especially after the Citizens United Supreme Court decision, means politicians often answer to wealthy donors and corporations, not their constituents. She also points to gerrymandering, the practice of drawing electoral maps to ensure one-party rule. This creates "safe" districts where incumbents have no incentive to compromise or serve the broader public interest. They are accountable only to their party's extreme flank.

Next up, a principle that holds the entire system together. The law applies to all of us. This is the concept of equal justice under the law. No one, regardless of wealth or power, is exempt. McGowan argues this pillar of democracy is cracking. She points to the Supreme Court granting presidents broad immunity from criminal prosecution, a decision Justice Sotomayor warned "makes a mockery of the principle that no one is above the law." When the public perceives a two-tiered justice system—one for the powerful and another for everyone else—the court loses its legitimacy and the rule of law itself is threatened.

Finally, McGowan offers a vision for the role of government. Her sixth principle is that government should be a force for good. Countering the narrative that government is inherently the problem, she argues its proper function is to act constructively for the public's welfare. She cites historical examples like the New Deal, which created Social Security and built critical infrastructure during the Great Depression. In the modern era, she points to the Affordable Care Act, which she credits with saving her own life by banning discrimination based on preexisting conditions. This principle calls for a government that actively solves problems, protects its citizens, and invests in the future.

Now that we have the principles, let's explore the structural problems that prevent us from living up to them. We'll start with the legislative branch.

Module 2: A System Designed for Gridlock

McGowan argues that many of our current frustrations stem from structural flaws in our government, particularly in Congress. These aren't new problems. But their modern use has created a system that rewards obstruction over progress.

A key focus is the Senate. Specifically, the modern filibuster. The filibuster is a procedural rule that allows a minority of senators to block legislation unless a 60-vote supermajority agrees to move forward. The filibuster has evolved from a rare tactic into a routine weapon of mass obstruction. Originally, it required senators to physically hold the floor and debate a bill. Now, a senator can simply signal their intent to filibuster, effectively killing a bill without any debate at all. McGowan shows how this empowers a minority to block widely popular policies. Bills to protect voting rights, raise the minimum wage, and enact common-sense gun laws have all passed the House only to die in the Senate due to the filibuster. It incentivizes the minority party to simply say "no" to everything, making the majority look ineffective and fueling public cynicism.

But the problems aren't limited to the Senate. In the House of Representatives, there's a different issue. The number of representatives has been capped at 435 since 1929. Our population, however, has tripled since then. Inadequate representation in the House dilutes the power of your vote. In the early 20th century, a House member represented about 200,000 people. Today, it's over 700,000. This makes it nearly impossible for representatives to maintain a meaningful connection with their constituents. It also creates bizarre distortions. For instance, due to apportionment formulas, a state like Delaware with just under a million people has one representative, while Montana, with just over a million, has two. McGowan argues that expanding the size of the House would make it more responsive and representative.

Then there is the issue of money. McGowan is blunt: Unlimited, undisclosed money has corrupted our political system. She traces this back to two key Supreme Court decisions. First, Buckley v. Valeo in 1976 equated money with speech. Then, Citizens United v. FEC in 2010 opened the floodgates for corporations and unions to spend unlimited amounts on elections. This created the era of Super PACs and "dark money," where anonymous donors can pour millions into campaigns. The result? Lawmakers spend more time fundraising than governing. They become beholden to the interests of a tiny class of wealthy donors, not the voters who elected them. This creates a vicious cycle where qualified candidates without personal wealth or elite connections are shut out of the system.

And here's the thing. These structural issues create perverse incentives. Gerrymandering creates safe seats where the only threat to an incumbent is a primary challenge from a more extreme candidate. This pushes politicians further to the ideological poles. The 24/7 media cycle rewards partisan theater and outrage over quiet, competent governance. McGowan argues that the current system rewards lawmakers for obstruction and media stunts, not for solving problems. She contrasts the legislative output of different Congresses, showing how one party can prioritize passing substantive bills while another focuses on investigations and culture-war messaging, leading to historic levels of legislative inactivity.

So, the legislative branch is stuck. But what about the branch meant to be above politics? Let's turn to the judiciary.