Operation Underworld
How the Mafia and U.S. Government Teamed Up to Win World War II
What's it about
Ever wonder if the good guys sometimes need help from the bad guys to win? Discover the shocking true story of how the U.S. government secretly partnered with the mob, including infamous gangster Lucky Luciano, to protect America and secure a crucial victory in World War II. You’ll learn exactly how this unlikely alliance worked, from stopping sabotage in New York's shipyards to gathering critical intelligence in Sicily. Uncover the secret negotiations, the high-stakes operations, and the controversial deals that blurred the lines between patriot and criminal to change the course of history.
Meet the author
Matthew Black is a Pulitzer Prize-nominated historian and former naval intelligence analyst specializing in the declassification of World War II strategic operations and covert partnerships. His work inside the National Archives revealed overlooked connections between military command and organized crime, directly inspiring his investigation into this untold story. Black’s unique background provides an unparalleled perspective on the secret alliance that helped shape the outcome of the war, bringing a hidden chapter of American history to light.
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The Script
In the winter of 1942, the U.S. Navy was losing the war for the Atlantic. German U-boats prowled the eastern seaboard with impunity, sinking Allied supply ships within sight of the New York City skyline. The docks, the lifeblood of the war effort, were a sieve of stolen information and sabotage. Federal agents were powerless; the waterfront was a closed world, controlled by the Italian-American mob. Every longshoreman, every union boss, every fishmonger answered to one man: Charles “Lucky” Luciano, the most powerful gangster in America, who was conveniently running his criminal empire from a prison cell upstate.
The situation was desperate, a knot that couldn't be untied through normal channels. So, naval intelligence officers made a decision that would never appear in any official report. They walked into the lion’s den, seeking an alliance with the very criminals they were supposed to be putting away. They needed to trade something for the security of the nation's most vital port. This decision—to fight a shadow war by embracing the underworld—created one of history's most secret and improbable partnerships, a devil's bargain that would secure the coast but forever blur the line between patriot and criminal.
This clandestine pact between the Office of Naval Intelligence and the Mafia is the central mystery that captivated Matthew Black, a historian specializing in the hidden connections that shape major historical events. Black stumbled upon a single, redacted document in a military archive that hinted at this extraordinary collaboration. He spent the next decade chasing whispers and piecing together declassified memos, prison letters, and forgotten testimonies to uncover a story the government had tried to bury. "Operation Underworld" is the result of that obsession, a detailed chronicle of how America’s war against the Nazis was secretly aided by its war against organized crime.
Module 1: The Unholy Alliance
After the Normandie disaster, the pressure was immense. Lieutenant Commander Charles Radcliffe Haffenden, the charismatic head of the ONI’s B-3 investigative section in New York, knew conventional methods had failed. His team couldn't get a single informant on the docks. The longshoremen, many of them Italian immigrants classified as "enemy aliens," lived by a code of silence. They answered to the mob, not the government. Haffenden realized that to secure the port, he needed access. And the only people who could grant that access were the very criminals the justice system was trying to put away.
This leads to the first core idea: When conventional intelligence fails, leaders must embrace unconventional, even radical, solutions. Haffenden couldn't beat the system on the docks, so he decided to join it. He devised a plan so audacious that his own superiors questioned it. The idea was simple but dangerous: recruit the Mafia as partners in national security.
The initial contact was delicate. It required a bridge between the world of law and the world of crime. That bridge was Murray Gurfein, a sharp assistant district attorney in New York. Gurfein identified the first target: Joseph "Socks" Lanza. Lanza was the undisputed "Czar" of the Fulton Fish Market, a mid-level mobster in the powerful Luciano crime family. He was also under indictment for racketeering. The pitch to Lanza was framed as a patriotic duty. In a secret meeting in a park, Gurfein appealed to Lanza's pride. It worked. Lanza agreed to cooperate.
This brings us to a critical principle of influence. Appealing to a person's identity and values is often more powerful than transactional bargaining. Lanza was offered a chance to be seen as a patriot, a role he desperately wanted. He took pride in his American identity, despite his criminal life. Haffenden and Gurfein understood this. They activated an identity, which is far more profound than simply recruiting an informant.
But Lanza's influence had limits. He controlled the fish market, but the main piers in Manhattan and Brooklyn were run by other, often rival, crime families. The real power on the waterfront belonged to one man, and he was serving a 30-to-50-year sentence in one of the state's toughest prisons. To truly control the docks, the Navy needed Charles "Lucky" Luciano.
Module 2: The Devil's Bargain
Recruiting a mid-level racketeer is one thing. Building an alliance with the most powerful mob boss in the country is another. Charles "Lucky" Luciano had revolutionized organized crime, turning street gangs into a corporate-style syndicate called the Commission. He was a strategic genius. He was also famously unwilling to cooperate with authorities. Haffenden knew a direct approach was impossible.
Here's where the story gets even more interesting. It illustrates a key lesson in navigating complex organizations, whether they're corporations or crime families. To influence a powerful leader, you must operate through their trusted network. Haffenden couldn't just walk into the prison. He had to build a chain of intermediaries, each one trusted by the next.
The chain started with Socks Lanza. Lanza led them to Luciano's lawyer, Moses Polakoff. Polakoff, in turn, knew he didn't have the personal clout to persuade Luciano. He identified the one man who did: Meyer Lansky. Lansky was Luciano's childhood friend, his closest advisor, and the financial architect of their criminal empire. When Lansky, a Jewish mobster who had personally fought Nazi sympathizers on the streets of New York, heard the Navy needed help fighting Hitler, he agreed without hesitation.
Lansky was the key. He visited Luciano in prison and made the case. The proposition was clear: if Luciano helped the war effort, the government would "remember" his service. It was an implicit promise of a future parole. For Luciano, trapped and facing decades behind bars, it was a lifeline. He agreed. From his prison cell, Luciano became the secret commander of the waterfront's security.
So, what happened next? The operation yielded immediate results. An established, informal network can be repurposed for rapid, high-impact intelligence gathering. The Mafia's structure was a ready-made intelligence agency. Luciano simply gave the word. Suddenly, Haffenden's agents had access everywhere.
Socks Lanza used his union control to plant undercover naval agents as dockworkers and fishermen. Mob enforcer Johnny "Cockeye" Dunn, who ran the violent West Side piers, became a "watchdog," using his thugs to silence loose talk about ship movements in waterfront bars. Any potential labor strike that could slow down war supplies was immediately crushed by mob muscle, redefined by the Navy as preventing "sabotage." The flow of information was staggering. Italian-speaking agents debriefed fishermen and recent immigrants, gathering priceless details about Sicilian ports—intelligence that would prove vital for the Allied invasion of Sicily.